In both countries, a successful spin dictatorship had trouble dealing with political challenges generated by continued modernisation — in particular, protests organised by a highly educated, cosmopolitan part of the population. The first, immediately after the start of the war, led to the exodus of some 100 to 200 thousand people — there are no fully reliable statistics. It’s not clear whether that reflects a wartime unwillingness to speak frankly or a genuine renewal of trust in the authorities. Between 2017 and late 2021, the share of Russian respondents who feared “a return to mass repression” increased from 21 to 47 percent. With regard to both political prisoners and state killings, there is worrying room for the regime to deteriorate further towards the levels of violence found in many 20th century dictatorships. Police have started targeting not just political activists but a much broader circle of people, aiming to spread fear to all who are tempted to protest.
- His first 12 years in power — including the four years of Dmitri Medvedev’s presidency — were spent gradually transforming this into a spin dictatorship.
- Both lashed out at top generals for ordering a retreat from the city of Lyman in late September.
- The political opposition is harassed and marginalized — but not banned.
- Since the outbreak of the war, Russia has experienced two waves of emigration.
- And by 2021, 84 percent of Russians said they would not express opinions about the forthcoming parliamentary election in a public place.
Table of contents (52 chapters)
Although the war has since served as justification for more domestic repression, it was not essential for this. The Russian public was ready to rally behind “victories,” but support for spinnaus an actual war seemed thin in 2021. He heard daily from supporters of a tougher line against political opposition, and much more rarely from those who had doubts — or, at least, felt brave enough to air them. As economic professionals and political operatives were marginalised, Putin was increasingly surrounded by the third key faction within his regime — siloviki. In fact, such autocrats start wars or military conflicts less often than fear dictators. Before the Ukraine invasion, positive feelings towards the US and Europe had been trending up for seven years, outpacing negative attitudes by late 2021. From late 1999, his ratings stayed above 60 percent for more than 20 years. Internationally, spin dictators exploit corruption in the West and in international institutions to coopt allies and accumulate leverage. His first 12 years in power — including the four years of Dmitri Medvedev’s presidency — were spent gradually transforming this into a spin dictatorship. Sister Spannaus was serving on the Relief Society Advisory Council at the time of her call.‘It’s probably the best group of horses we’ve taken to this sale’
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- Although the war has since served as justification for more domestic repression, it was not essential for this.
- As Putin started tightening screws from 2012, they were pushed to the sidelines, replaced by even more cynical technicians such as Sergei Kirienko.
- In the 2010s, the regime adhered to a dual strategy with regard to the latter group; it pressured its most politically active members and tried to co-opt the others.